Farming Landscapes Under Stress

The Late Intermediate Period (1100 – 1450 CE) in the highland Andes of South America has long been characterized by warfare and climate stress (Arkush 2008; Arkush 2010; Arkush and Tung 2013; Bauer and Kellett 2010; Binford et al. 1997; Covey 2008; Langlie 2018; Langlie and Arkush 2016; Nielsen 2018; Torres-Rouff, Costa-Junqueira, and Llagostera 2005; Abbott et al. 1997).

Climate instability may have compelled farmers to diversify by cultivating crops in a greater range of ecological zones or by combining cultivation with herding of native camelids (llamas and alpacas) (Browman 1987; Goland 1993; Langlie 2018; Langlie and Arkush 2016; Stanish 2003).

However, increased risk of warfare may have constrained farmers; encouraging more intensive use of lands and resources proximate to hillforts (i.e. Langlie 2018; Langlie and Arkush 2016).

Remote sensing and geospatial modeling are combined with local ethnographic and historic data on farming to model the availability of farming resources. These results are examined in relation to survey data on hillforts (pukaras) and settlement pattern data.

Archaeologists have tended to rely heavily on the broad elevation ranges defined by Javier Pulgar Vidal in 1941. While elevation plays a significant role in frost risk, and thus crop cultivation, factors such as field direction, proximity to water, and protection from winds shape the potential for crop cultivation at local scales.
When discussing pastures for native domesticated camelids, and especially alpacas, scholars tend to emphasize the importance of moist vegetation present in bofedales (high-elevation wetlands). However, camelids consume a range of pastures, including moderately moist vegetation on the edges of wetlands, and the dry grasses that occupy hillsides.

Methods

Settlement pattern data was derived from prior research in the valley. This analysis considered settlements and pukaras dated to the Middle Horizon (hereafter MH, 600-1000 CE), Late Intermediate Period, and Late Horizon (hereafter LH, 1450-1532 CE). While the focus of the analysis here is understanding LIP patterns of settlement, data from the MH and LH time periods are used for comparison. Settlements are archaeological sites with evidence of permanent, fulltime occupation based on architectural remains or artifact densities. Pukaras are strategically positioned sites with built defenses, such as encircling walls and ditches, and natural barriers, including cliffs and steep slopes. Most of the pukaras were identified during my comprehensive survey of hillforts in the central and upper valley from 2012 to 2013 (Kohut 2021; 2016). Sites were preliminarily identified from prior reports, satellite imagery and aerial photography and subsequently mapped during in-depth field visits. Additional pukaras were identified from systematic survey of satellite imagery conducted as part of a larger project known as GeoPACHA (Arkush et al. in review). Settlement pattern data was derived from three comprehensive pedestrian surveys: Miriam Doutriaux’s survey of the lower and central valley (2004), Steven Wernke’s survey of the central valley (2013), and Nico Tripcevich’s survey of the upper valley (Tripcevich 2008). Additional settlement data was acquired from various reports and studies (Shea 1997; 1986; Brooks 1998; Oquiche Hernani 1991; Neira Avendaño 1961; Guerra Santander and Aquize Cáceres 1996)

Significant factors influencing agricultural suitabilityinclude elevation, slope, aspect, and openness of the terrain. These factors were combined using a weighted overlay process to model agricultural suitability.

Inputs and ranges used in the cultivation suitability analysis.

Results

The results of the cultivation suitability and pasture suitability were combined to create a continuum of agropastoral suitability for the region.

The Upper Valley predominantly lies above 3800 m, limiting the amount of land suitable for cultivation. The results of the cultivation suitability analysis reveal that areas suitable to cultivation are present, but are more circumscribed.

Many upper valley pukaras are located adjacent to pockets of land with high or optimal cultivation suitability. Relic terraces in these areas indicates LIP communities took advantage of these resources. Some, like those near Choque Mamani are located in areas with unique microclimates.

Areas suitable to cultivation and pastoralism are tightly interdigitated in this part of the valley. LIP communities would have been able to cultivate crops and manage their herds in a relatively compact geographical area.

Mixed agropastoralism in a small geographic range would have provided security for herds, fields, and people (i.e. Langlie and Arkush 2016).

Top left: agricultural terraces surround the hillfort of Choque Mamani, located adjacent to the Colca River. The deeply incised valley provides protection from winds and a uniquely warm microclimate for crop cultivation. Right: the hillfort cluster of Auqimarka, Choque Mamani, and Hatun Pukara. Note the interdigitation of pasture and cultivation lands. Bottom left: a 1930s areal photo of the hillfort settlement of Auquimarka shows open pastures and a series of walled enclosures that likely served as corrals and may have also been used as fields.
Left: The predominance of non-residential pukaras demonstrates the importance of examining these sites as settlement systems, rather than independent phenomena. Here, the relationship between the unfortified settlement of San Antonio/Chijra to the non-residential pukaras of Ch’ilaqota and Pumachiri is highlighted. Top right: San Antonio/Chijra occupies a dense area of agricultural and residential terraces below the fortified hilltop of Ch’ilaqota. At Ch’ilaqota, the remains of what appear to be relic corrals is visible. Bottom right: windbreaks occupy the northeast slopes of Pumachiri, overlooking an area of pasture.

Conclusions

  • LIP farmers responded to climate risks by increasing access to diverse ecological zones and resource opportunities.
  • Local configurations of cultivation and pastoral potential resulted in different defensive strategies.
  • Upper Valley: Diversified Intensification
    • Areas for cultivation and pastoralism proximate and overlapping.
    • Terrace indicate that LIP communities exploited cultivation microclimates.
    • Possibility for intensive agropastoralism within compact geographic ranges, increasing security.
  • Central Valley: Diversified Extensification
    • Areas for cultivation and pastoralism are more distant.
    • Pukaras within the valley provide protection for fields and farmers at lower elevations.
    • Pukaras at the edged of the valley likely extendedaccess to distant pastures, mitigating the increased risk of more extensive landscape use.
  • These patterns were likely shaped by seasonal agricultural patterns and intensity of conflict (Nielsen 2018).

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